The
Legend and Truth of Qiu Chuji, the Perfected Master Changchun
B. Tumen - Ulzii
To understand the
history of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries—the period commonly referred
to in Mongolian history as the "Imperial Era"—it is difficult
to avoid relying on Chinese historical sources. This is not because the Chinese
were exceptionally skilled at writing history, but because the Mongols
conquered China and incorporated it into the territory of the Great Mongol
Empire. From the Mongol conquest of the Jin dynasty's northern territories,
including present-day Beijing, the Mongols ruled China for a total of 134
years. Although the state they had known disappeared, the Chinese people
remained, and it was only natural that they continued to record and write their
own history.
Chinese historical
sources, literary works, and popular publications almost invariably include the
story of “Changchun
(Qiu Chuji长春 丘处机) Meeting
Genghis Khan.” According to this narrative,
Genghis Khan invited the aged Daoist master to instruct him in the art of
statecraft and the secret of longevity. It is further claimed that Changchun
advised Genghis Khan to “reduce killing and cherish the people,” (1) and that,
as a result, the Mongol army became less violent, thereby reducing the deaths
and suffering of the populations in the conquered territories. (2)
As time passed, Changchun was transformed into a counselor
who taught Genghis Khan the principles of governance, a statesman, and even a
hero who saved China from the iron hooves of the Mongol cavalry. Countless
master's theses and doctoral dissertations have reportedly been written around
this interpretation, which in recent years has even developed into an
independent field of academic research. In 2013, the Chinese produced the film "Zhi Sha Ling"
("The Edict to Cease Killing"), (3) using cinema to promote this
narrative.
Thus, a remarkable conclusion emerges: although
Temüjin—later Genghis Khan—rose from a tribal leader to the Great Khan without
ever having had a teacher, and despite being a military and political genius of
extraordinary talent, centuries after his death he was finally assigned a
Chinese teacher named Changchun.
Had only Chinese authors written in this way, it would
hardly be surprising. After all, what exists in China is not so much the
discipline of historical scholarship as historical literature. Regrettably,
many Mongolian historians have also come to interpret the meeting between the
Great Khan and the aged Daoist master in a manner that is strikingly similar
to—indeed, virtually identical with—the Chinese narrative.
In his monumental work A Brief Chronicle of Genghis Khan,
Saishaal describes Qiu Chuji (the Perfected Master Changchun) as "a
statesman of far-reaching vision" and remarks that, "from
Genghis Khan's perspective, learned scholars were needed to establish and
administer a peaceful state." This interpretation corresponds almost
exactly to the Chinese explanation that Qiu Chuji was invited in order to
instruct Genghis Khan in the art of governing.
Saishaal further states that "one purpose of
Genghis Khan's invitation to Master Changchun was indeed to seek the secret of
longevity. However, this was not the principal consideration." (4) By
making this assertion, he effectively rejects the view that the Great Khan's
sole purpose in inviting the aged Daoist master was to inquire about longevity,
and instead shifts the significance of their meeting toward political affairs
and the establishment of peace.
Likewise, the three-volume History of Mongolia,
distinguished by the insightful commentary of Academician Ch. Dalai, states
that Genghis Khan "asked him about the methods and principles of
governing a great empire." (5)
When such interpretations are presented by the towering
figures of Mongolian historiography—scholars who have long shone as guiding
stars in the field—it is only natural that the majority of ordinary readers
have come to understand, accept, repeat, and promote the same view. It is
precisely for this reason that I felt compelled to write the present article.
It is a historical fact that, in response to Genghis Khan's
summons, the Daoist master known as Changchun (Qiu Chuji) traveled to
Central Asia and met the Great Khan. Qiu Chuji was one among the countless
Daoist masters of China. Within the history of Daoism, he occupies an important
place as the leading figure who propagated a branch of the Quanzhen Dao
(Complete Perfection School), a Daoist tradition that originated during the Jin
dynasty.
One of the nineteen disciples who accompanied him, Li
Zhichang(李志常), kept a detailed journal throughout
the journey. He later compiled these records into a work entitled Record of
the Perfected Master Changchun's Journey to the West（成春真人西游记）.
That a seventy-two-year-old Daoist master should undertake
a journey on horseback, by mule, and in ox-drawn carts from the remote eastern
province of Shandong in East Asia to the southwestern reaches of Central Asia
is astonishing by any standard. Measured in one direction alone, the distance
was approximately three times longer than the route of Mao Zedong's Red
Army during the Long March. (6)
If we trace the route of his journey in modern geographical
terms, Qiu Chuji departed from Shandong and passed through Beijing, which had
already come under Mongol rule. From the vicinity of Juyong Pass, he proceeded
northeast through what are now the Xilin Gol and Ujimqin regions before
reaching Hulun Lake. Following the Kherlen River to the headwaters of the Three
Rivers, he then crossed the territory of present-day Mongolia from east to west
until he arrived at the Altai Mountains.
There, he established a Daoist temple and left behind nine
of his disciples. He then undertook what was probably the most arduous stage of
the expedition, crossing the Altai range into the Khovd region. Skirting the
edge of the Dzungarian Desert, he continued westward along the northern
foothills of the Tian Shan Mountains. After rounding the Tian Shan, he turned
southwest and, under the protection of Mongol military escorts, traversed the
mountainous regions of present-day Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan before finally
reaching Samarkand.
Because Genghis Khan was occupied with military affairs,
Qiu Chuji spent the winter in Samarkand. The following spring, after traveling
for another twenty or so days, he arrived in northern Afghanistan, where he was
finally granted an audience with the Great Khan. The journey to reach Genghis
Khan took him approximately one year, and together with the year he spent in
Central Asia, nearly three full years elapsed before the aged Daoist
master was able to meet the ruler of the Mongol Empire.
There are two principal historical sources that can be used
to examine the meeting between Genghis Khan and Qiu Chuji.
The first is Li Zhichang's Record of the Perfected
Master Changchun's Journey to the West. (7) The second is Record
of the Assembly Explaining the Teachings,( 玄风庆会录) a Chinese-language record compiled by Yelü
Chucai at the command of Genghis Khan, documenting the principal points of
Qiu Chuji's discourse. (8)
With these sources in mind, I shall now turn to the central
argument of this article.
I. Did Genghis Khan Ask Qiu Chuji About the Art of
Governing the State? Did Qiu Chuji Urge Genghis Khan to "Reduce
Killing"?
Li Zhichang's Record of the Perfected Master Changchun's
Journey to the West describes the first meeting between Genghis Khan and
Qiu Chuji as follows:
On the fifth day of the fourth month, as soon as the accommodations had been arranged, the Master was
granted an audience with the Sovereign. The Sovereign graciously said:
"I have invited worthy men from many lands on numerous
occasions, yet none came. Now that you have journeyed from tens of thousands of
li away to this place, I am greatly delighted."
The Master replied:
"I am but a Daoist from the countryside. That I have
come in obedience to Your Majesty's summons is the will of Heaven."
The Sovereign was pleased. He bestowed upon the Master a
seat and presented him with food and refreshments.
He then asked:
"Venerable Master, having traveled such a great
distance, by what elixir of longevity can you assist one of limited years such
as myself?"
The Master answered:
"There is indeed a way to preserve one's life, but
there is no medicine that can bestow immortality or prolong life."
The Sovereign commended his honesty and ordered that two
tents be erected for him on the eastern side of the imperial encampment. (9)
This contemporary account of their first audience is
noteworthy for what it records—and equally for what it does not. At no point
does it state that Genghis Khan invited Qiu Chuji to discuss the principles of
statecraft or the governance of the empire. Nor does it record Qiu Chuji urging
the Great Khan to "reduce killing." Instead, the first question
attributed to Genghis Khan concerns the possibility of attaining longevity, to
which Qiu Chuji responds candidly that while there are principles for
preserving one's health, no medicine can confer immortality. This exchange
forms the starting point for the present examination.
To put the events in
plain terms, once Genghis Khan had fulfilled the obligations of a gracious host
by offering his distinguished guest a seat and serving him refreshments after
his year-long journey, he immediately turned to the central purpose
of their meeting by asking, "Is there such a thing as a medicine that can prolong life?"
This was, after all, the sole reason he had summoned the aged Daoist master
from such a distant land.
The conversation then continued along the same theme.
Genghis Khan's interpreter asked:
"Was it you yourself who assumed the title of 'the
Eternal One, equal to Heaven,' or was this appellation bestowed upon you by
others?"
Again, the discussion remained focused on the subject of
longevity. Qiu Chuji explained that he and three others had once studied under
the same master. After the other three had died and he alone remained alive,
people began referring to him by that title.
The conversation then turned to Qinghai, the official who
had escorted Qiu Chuji under military protection from the Altai Mountains
onward. Genghis Khan asked him,
"What honorific title should be conferred upon the
Master?"
Following his official's recommendation, the Khan decreed:
"Henceforth he shall be known as the Supreme Immortal (Great
Arhat)." (10)
With this, the meeting came to an end.
Throughout the entire audience, Genghis Khan did not utter
a single word concerning affairs of state, the administration of government, or
military strategy.
The second meeting was originally scheduled for the
fourteenth day of the fourth month. However, because Genghis Khan
personally set out on a military campaign, it was postponed for a full six
months and rescheduled for the tenth month. As a result, the aged Daoist
master returned to Samarkand, as Li Zhichang vividly puts it, "urging
on his donkey." (12)
Remarkably, this long-awaited second audience proved to be
extremely brief. Unless Li Zhichang intentionally omitted details, he recorded
the entire meeting in a single sentence:
"That evening he was granted an audience, was
served cheese, and then withdrew." (13)
The third meeting, held shortly thereafter, was
somewhat more formal in character. Li Zhichang records:
"The Sovereign ordered a ceremonial hall to be
prepared. All the female attendants were dismissed, lamps were lit on both
sides, and only the chamberlain Qinghai was permitted to remain.... As the
Master expounded his teachings, the official Ahai was instructed to translate
them into Mongolian, whereupon the Sovereign found them highly agreeable."
(14)
The fourth meeting is described as follows:
"On the night of the nineteenth, under a clear sky,
the Master was again invited to expound his teachings, and the Sovereign was
greatly pleased." (15)
The fifth meeting is recorded in these words:
"On the twenty-third day, the Master was summoned
once more. The ceremonial observances remained the same, and the Sovereign
listened attentively and with great respect to the teachings, ordering them to
be recorded. The Sovereign instructed those attending him: 'The Supreme Master
has explained to me on three occasions the principles of preserving and
prolonging life. These teachings have become deeply impressed upon my heart.
They must not be divulged or made known to others.'" (16)
In fact, these five occasions constitute the entirety of
the formal meetings between Genghis Khan and Qiu Chuji.
The repeated references to "the teachings"
(surgaal) plainly denote the doctrinal and ethical teachings of Daoism.
Their meaning is too obvious to require further explanation.
Throughout all five
formal audiences, neither Genghis Khan nor Qiu Chuji raised any matters
relating to warfare, military affairs, politics, or the adm By the time Qiu
Chuji arrived, the major battles of Genghis Khan's western campaign in the land
of the Khwarazmians (Sartuul) had largely ended in victory. Meanwhile, the
campaigns of Jebe and Subutai against the Kipchaks, the Rus', and the Volga
Bulgars were still underway. The Great Khan had already entered the stage of
preparing to turn back toward his homeland.
The following year, in the spring of 1223,
the imperial procession of the Great Khan slowly began moving eastward from
northern Afghanistan, passing through Samarkand and continuing toward the
Mongolian homeland.
During this period, Qiu Chuji occasionally met with Genghis
Khan. Li Zhichang recorded that:
"He accompanied the Sovereign on his journey eastward and
frequently expounded the principles of the Daoist way." (18)
Although the exact number of these repeated meetings is
unclear, the phrase "frequently" (bain bain) once again clearly
demonstrates that the subject of their discussions was the teachings and
principles of Daoism rather than matters of politics, warfare, or state
administration.inistration of the state.
In the second month, Qiu Chuji requested permission from
Genghis Khan to "return to his cave"—a traditional Daoist
expression meaning to return to his place of cultivation and seclusion.
The Sovereign replied:
"I myself am also traveling eastward. If you
accompany me, what would you think?"
The Master answered:
"It would be better for me to return ahead.... I
have now completed reporting what Your Majesty wished to ask and know.
Therefore, I respectfully request permission to depart." (17)
Genghis Khan granted his request. The aged Daoist master
then spent another year on the return journey, passing through present-day
Hohhot, before finally returning to his homeland within the Jin dynasty's
territory.
Having defeated his enemies and established his reputation
as an unrivaled conqueror, Genghis Khan celebrated his victories with grand
ceremonies, rewarded his commanders and followers, and spent time in regions he
favored for summer camps and hunting grounds. After gradually making his way
back toward the Mongolian homeland—four years after his departure—he finally
returned to his great imperial encampment at the Black Forest of the Tuul
River.
Chinese writers, however, have portrayed this event
differently, claiming that:
"Temüjin, after listening to the teachings of
Master Chang, became enlightened, ceased his killings, and returned home."
In reality, Genghis Khan's return from Central Asia was
primarily a strategic military decision aimed at preparing for the final
destruction of his principal enemies: the Jin dynasty and the rebellious Tangut
state of Western Xia. This is demonstrated by the fact that, after spending the
summer in Mongolia, he once again launched a major military campaign against
the Tanguts.
He subsequently destroyed the Western Xia state, seized
territories around the Yellow River region from the Jin dynasty, and left
behind a clear strategy and concrete plans for the ultimate conquest of the Jin
before his death. Thus, he returned to the eternal sky having completed the
final arrangements for the campaigns that would continue after him.
Li Zhichang's record
devotes a considerable number of pages to the wonders and experiences of the
journey, as well as to the poems composed by his poetically inclined master.
Precisely because of this, readers may naturally wonder whether the passages concerning
Qiu Chuji's supposed teachings on state governance and his alleged advice to
Genghis Khan to reduce killing were intentionally or unintentionally omitted.
Chinese historians who have studied Qiu Chuji insist
emphatically that "because Genghis Khan ordered that these matters not be disclosed
to outsiders, there was no opportunity to record them."
However, Genghis Khan's statement that they "must not be disclosed or made known
to others" clearly referred not to some political
teaching, but specifically to the fact that "the Supreme Master had explained on
three occasions the methods of preserving and prolonging life"
(as recorded in the fifth meeting).
Whether the alleged question about governance and the
supposed persuasion to reduce killing actually took place can ultimately be
determined by another important source: Record of the Assembly Explaining the Teachings,( 玄风庆会录) a special compilation of Qiu Chuji's
discourses delivered during his stay in Central Asia.
This record was not produced by an ordinary person. It was
personally compiled by Yelü Chucai, one of Genghis Khan's most trusted
officials and advisers.
The Record of the Assembly
Explaining the Teachings contains the complete content of Qiu
Chuji's discourses delivered during the three principal meetings among the five
audiences (as we have already seen, the first two meetings were largely
ceremonial in nature). Since this record was written and preserved at the
direct command of Genghis Khan himself, it would have been impossible not only
to deliberately omit words spoken by the Daoist master, but even to
accidentally leave out such important statements.
A careful examination of the Record of the Assembly Explaining the
Teachings from beginning to end reveals that the content
repeatedly emphasized by Chinese writers—the so-called teachings on the art of
governing the state and the alleged advice urging Genghis Khan to reduce
killing—simply does not exist. The work is purely an explanation of Daoist
principles and teachings, as can already be understood from its title.
Within the Record of the Assembly Explaining the Teachings,
apart from the central Daoist doctrines concerning health, well-being, and
longevity, there are only two passages that touch upon matters related to
society, politics, or warfare. However, neither of these passages represents
something that Qiu Chuji asked about or advised. For clarity, they are
presented here in their entirety.
the 32nd paragraph:
The region east of Taihang Mountains and north of the
Yellow River (19) is the most fertile land. It produces high-quality grains,
vegetables, and fruits, and supplies the country with fish, salt, and silk.
Since ancient times, whoever has controlled this territory has been able to
establish a powerful state. Therefore, rulers and sovereigns throughout history
have always competed for possession of this land.
At present, however, the people who have been scattered and
displaced by the devastation of war have not yet been resettled. If Your
Majesty appoints a careful and capable official who understands the suffering
of the people and administers this region, and if the people are exempted from
taxes and military service for three years, then the supplies needed for the
army and the government can be secured, and the lives of the people can be
restored.
If, in this way, you bring peace and stability to the
people and allow future generations to live in security and prosperity, Heaven
will surely bestow its blessing upon you.
The 33nd Paragraph:
I have come from ten thousand li away in response to
the Emperor's summons, and I have already explained the methods for nourishing
vitality and strengthening the body. Why should I hesitate to speak about the
principles of governing the state and caring for the people?
As I mentioned earlier, if Your Majesty sends a pure-minded
and capable official to pacify and restore order among the people east of
Taihang Mountains and north of the Yellow River, and if that person acts
according to Your Majesty's commands, this will surely accord with the will of
Heaven.
However, if you appoint an incompetent official such as
Wuduo, the matter will certainly fail and bring harmful consequences in return.
When the Jin dynasty first rose in the northeast, its
rulers initially did not understand the customs and circumstances of the people
in the Central Plains. Therefore, in Dongping, they elevated Liu Yu, a man from
the Song dynasty, and appointed him as their representative to govern the
Central Plains for eight years before eventually transferring direct authority
to him.
This was a wise method that could be applied during the
period when a state was being established and stabilized. I hope Your Majesty
will take this lesson into careful consideration.
The two passages essentially repeat the same idea: Qiu
Chuji requested that, in the lands east of the Taihang Mountains and north of
the Yellow River, capable and virtuous officials be appointed and that the
people be granted exemption from taxation. This is what he meant by the phrase "the
principles of governing the state and nourishing the people," which he
said he was willing to teach without reservation. There is not even a trace
here of any statement urging Genghis Khan to reduce killing.
The reason Qiu Chuji specifically mentioned this particular
region was that it was his native land, and it was also where his religious
institution—the temple where he practiced Daoist cultivation—was located. In
modern terms, one might say that the aged Daoist master was looking after his
own local interests. His request to save people from the suffering of war
applied only to the Chinese territories belonging to the Jin dynasty; it was
not, as some contemporary Chinese historians grandly claim, an act of going
forth "to seek salvation on behalf of China (Zhongguo) and the
Han ethnic people." The above dialogue itself demonstrates this point.
Qiu Chuji did not possess the broad political consciousness
of representing Zhongguo or the Han people; such an interpretation
reflects a later Chinese historical perspective. Historically, the Chinese did
not always define themselves as "the people of Zhongguo" or "Han
Chinese." Rather, during the Han dynasty they were called Han people;
during the Yuan dynasty, they were subjects of the Yuan state; and during the
Qing dynasty, they were known as Qing subjects or ren
("people"). (20)
When Qiu Chuji was born, the Jin dynasty had already
existed for 33 years, and the territory east of the Taihang Mountains and north
of the Yellow River had been part of the Jin state for 22 years. In other
words, at the time of his birth, Qiu Chuji was not a "person of
Zhongguo" in the modern nationalist sense, but a subject of the Jin
dynasty; the state to which he belonged was the Jin state.
After carefully examining these two sources, it becomes
clear that the claims that Genghis Khan asked Qiu Chuji about "the art
of governing the state" and that Qiu Chuji persuaded Genghis Khan
"to reduce killing" did not actually occur. These ideas were
later inventions arbitrarily created by Chinese writers and have no basis in
the historical records.
II. The True Reason Behind Qiu Chuji’s Decision to Meet
Genghis Khan
Qiu Chuji had previously "declined to go even when
invited by the Southern Song and the Jin rulers" (21). Why, then, did
he agree to meet a ruler whose language he did not understand, whose ethnic
background was different from his own, and whom some of his contemporaries
regarded as belonging to the northern peoples who "knew only killing and
warfare"? The answer is directly connected to the course of the Mongol
conquests at that time.
When Qiu Chuji received Genghis Khan's summons in 1219,
the Jin dynasty's capital, Zhongdu (present-day Beijing), had already been
captured by the Mongol army four years earlier. Furthermore, many frontier
territories of the Jin state were continuously being absorbed into the Mongol
Empire, and the destruction of the Jin dynasty had become merely a matter of
time. A Daoist master who had spent fifty years in religious cultivation could
not possibly have been unaware of such a tremendous transformation in the
political order.
From the perspective of traditional Chinese historical
thinking, "the future ruler" had summoned him. Genghis Khan
sent his close official Liu Zhonglu with a tiger-headed golden tablet. The
inscription on the tablet stated:
"I, the Sovereign, am personally present through
this command. Carry out the order according to my decree." (22)
Li Zhichang wrote that "the Master knew that his
person could not refuse this summons" (23), and this precisely
reflects the hidden political significance behind the event.
A summons from the future ruler represented, for Qiu Chuji,
an opportunity and assurance for survival. This was the fundamental reason why
he had no choice but to meet Genghis Khan. It was the only true reason behind
Qiu Chuji's journey to meet the Great Khan.
The journey undertaken by Qiu Chuji was not, as Chinese
writers often portray it, a voluntary pilgrimage in which he happily became a
"dove of peace," spreading his beautiful wings and traveling across
the world. Rather, it was a choice made when a blade was already at his
throat—a duty that he had no real option but to fulfill.
Although Qiu Chuji departed from his homeland in the very
month he received the imperial summons, the immense distance of the journey,
the hardships of crossing deserts and barren lands, and his advanced age
inevitably exhausted him. On two separate occasions, he requested permission to
suspend his journey.
After leaving his temple at Laizhou and arriving in
Beijing, he heard that "the imperial camp was gradually moving
westward, and the Master thought of waiting to meet the Sovereign upon his
return." (24) However, Liu Zhonglu, who had arrived with a military
escort to receive him, did not agree to this proposal.
Later, when they had reached the Altai region—the halfway
point of the journey—at the territory under the authority of Lord Qinghai, Qiu
Chuji again expressed his wish:
"I would like to spend the winter here and wait for
the Sovereign's army to return."
Qinghai politely refused, saying:
"If the Venerable Master remains here, the blame
will fall upon me, Qinghai." (25)
He then added:
"I will gladly accompany the Master on his
journey." (26)
Thus, Qinghai personally escorted Qiu Chuji all the way to
the Mongol imperial camp at a place called Bara Khe'er (Black Steppe), located
beyond Samarkand, where Genghis Khan was stationed.
In reality, Qiu Chuji's physical condition was quite poor.
Yelü Chucai, who attended the meetings with him, even recorded that:
"His body was often suffering from illness and he
seemed likely to die." (27)
Consider this carefully: after returning from Central Asia,
Qiu Chuji lived for only another four years before passing away. He had left
home at the age of nineteen, devoted his entire life to Daoist cultivation, and
pursued health and longevity. Yet, despite all of these efforts, he lived only
fourteen years longer than Genghis Khan, who spent much of his life on
horseback amid constant warfare.
This reality presents a very different picture from the
later idealized image of Qiu Chuji as a freely traveling messenger of peace.
Twelve years after Qiu Chuji's meeting with Genghis Khan,
the Jin dynasty, which had existed for 119 years, was destroyed.
It is difficult to say whether it was fortunate for the Daoist master that he
had closed his eyes forever seven years before that sorrowful moment of his
state's downfall, because he had already foreseen this tragic ending long
before it actually came.
III.
The Sole Reason Why Genghis Khan Invited Qiu Chuji
When Genghis
Khan first met Qiu Chuji, he asked:
"Venerable
Master, having traveled such a great distance, by what method of prolonging
life can you assist one as insignificant as myself?"
It is clear
from this question that he was not searching for some magical elixir of
immortality, as ancient emperors had once done.
The Mongolian
translator of Record of the Perfected Master Changchun's Journey to the West
mistakenly rendered the phrase as "the medicine of immortality."
The Chinese term 長生 (changsheng) can
carry two meanings—"long life" and "immortality"—but in
this context it is clearly used in the sense of prolonging one's life.
Why? Because by the thirteenth century, the principle that human beings
cannot become immortal had already become universally understood among
humanity.
Before Qiu
Chuji was invited, when Genghis Khan was preparing to launch his western
campaign against the Khwarazmian Empire (Sartuul), his consort Yesui reminded
him:
"If your
body, as strong as a mountain, should collapse and disappear, who will govern
your many peoples and the Mongols? Among your four sons, who should take charge
of the state?"
Genghis Khan
replied:
"I have
acted as though I would not follow my ancestors into death. I had forgotten
this matter, as if death would avoid me. Indeed, I had never truly considered
it." (28)
After
discussing the question of succession, Ögedei was eventually chosen as the heir
to the Great Khan's throne.
A person who
could speak so clearly and realistically about death and succession could
hardly have suddenly sought immortality the moment he encountered a Chinese
Daoist master. Therefore, the purpose of inviting Qiu Chuji was not to obtain
an impossible secret of eternal life, but rather to seek knowledge related to
health, longevity, and the preservation of vitality.
The desire for a long
life is something that naturally arises in human beings as they grow old; it is
not something limited by distinctions between emperors and ordinary people. The
only difference is that an emperor, unlike common people, possessed far greater
access to individuals who could provide advice and guidance on such matters.
However, why did Genghis Khan choose to summon and consult
this particular Daoist master, Qiu Chuji, rather than seeking advice from other
physicians or healers? The reason lies in the centuries-long self-promotion and
reputation-building of Chinese Daoism, through which Daoist practitioners had
cultivated the image of possessing special knowledge concerning longevity and
the preservation of life.
The fundamental objectives of Daoist practice were to
maintain health, prolong life, and benefit living beings. In pursuit of these
goals, Daoist practitioners engaged in many years of cultivation, including
controlling their thoughts, fasting, regulating sexual desire, creating
medicinal elixirs, and other forms of spiritual discipline.
Because Daoist practitioners extensively promoted claims
that they possessed the ability to "extend life" or even "achieve
immortality"—claims whose truth or falsehood was difficult to
verify—Chinese peasants, who throughout history often lacked many aspirations
beyond daily survival, were strongly attracted to these teachings, and many
joined Daoist communities.
Since the elements of superstition contained within Daoism
corresponded closely with the intellectual and social conditions of ordinary
Chinese society at the time, its influence eventually occupied a sphere that
was incomparable in scale with that of Confucian teachings. Over time, through
various channels, Daoist beliefs crossed the borders of China and reached the
ears of neighboring peoples.
The Mongolic-speaking tribes had long shared borders with
the Jin dynasty and maintained various forms of interaction, including warfare,
trade, and other exchanges. Therefore, they must have heard, at least
intermittently, about Daoist practices and the supposed supernatural powers
associated with them.
We may reasonably
conclude that the idea of inviting the Chinese Daoist master and inquiring
about methods of prolonging life was initiated by a Chinese official named Liu Zhonglu.
Liu was originally one of Genghis Khan's Chinese physicians. (29)
Having heard about the Daoist teachings concerning healthy
living, longevity, and their supposed miraculous methods, it was simply part of
Liu's duty as an official to present such information to Genghis Khan.
Recommending a person who might be of interest to the ruler was part of his
responsibility.
Genghis Khan's decision to send Liu Zhonglu, carrying a
tiger-headed tablet of authority, to summon Qiu Chuji is consistent with the
normal practice of a monarchic administration, in which a ruler would assign
the execution of a proposed task to the official who had originally brought the
matter forward.
IV. The Logic Behind Transforming the Narrative into
"Genghis Khan Asked About the Art of Governing the State"
When Genghis Khan summoned Qiu Chuji, he was already in his
sixties and had completed most of the major military campaigns of his lifetime,
with the exception of the final destruction of the Tangut state of Western Xia.
Judging both from his age and his accumulated experience, he had already
reached the stage of teaching others how to govern a state rather than seeking
instruction from others. In the words of modern politicians, it was a time when
he might have been expected to write his memoirs and recount his achievements.
Why, then, would the story of an emperor summoning a Daoist
recluse to ask whether there existed methods for prolonging life later be
transformed into a narrative that "Genghis Khan sought advice on the
art of governing the state"? The underlying logic behind this
reinterpretation is quite simple:
The person who issued the summons was the ruler of the
northern barbarians, a people supposedly who knew nothing except killing and
plunder. The person who answered the summons was a supreme Daoist master from a
civilization with thousands of years of history. Therefore, it naturally
followed that they should be portrayed as a teacher and student
relationship.
This was essentially an attempt to make the two sides fit
into a predetermined historical narrative.
In reality, within Chinese society, Daoist masters were not
officials involved in government administration. Their primary occupation was
religious cultivation, and they generally stood apart from worldly affairs. In
other words, they were not people known for possessing knowledge of state
governance.
Because they often lived outside mainstream society and,
compared with beggars, possessed little more than a place to stay and basic
means of survival, many Daoist figures came from the lower social strata. As a
result, some Daoists even became leaders of peasant rebellions.
For example, Han Shantong, who initiated the armed
resistance movement against the Yuan dynasty, was himself associated with
Daoism. In fact, these movements weakened the foundations of the Yuan dynasty
and shook its rule even before Zhu Yuanzhang eventually overthrew it.
V. The Content of Qiu Chuji’s Advice on Healthy Living
and Longevity
Since we have argued that the main subject of Qiu Chuji’s
teachings to Genghis Khan concerned maintaining health and prolonging life, it
is appropriate to briefly examine the content of those recommendations.
When summarized, the essence of Qiu Chuji’s advice on
healthy living and longevity can be reduced to one central point: restraining
sexual activity.
He reportedly told Genghis Khan:
"If even an ordinary person with only one wife
damages his health through excessive sexual relations, how can Your Majesty
maintain good health when you have a palace filled with wives and women?" (30)
He even suggested a specific schedule, advising Genghis
Khan that:
"Having sexual relations once every ten days is
sufficient." (31)
He further cited the Chinese saying:
"Rather than taking medicine for a thousand days,
it is better to sleep alone for one night."
Since ancient times, not only Daoist teachings but also
traditional Chinese medicine and Chinese cultural beliefs have often regarded
sexual activity as something that should be strictly controlled. There is even
a traditional saying in Chinese culture:
"One drop of essence equals a thousand drops of
blood."
Such ideas may have developed in accordance with the
physical conditions and lifestyles of agricultural societies living in humid
environments, where vegetables and fruits formed a major part of the diet.
However, it is difficult to claim that such concepts should necessarily be
accepted as universal principles applicable to all humanity.
It is also evident that Qiu Chuji imagined Genghis Khan
through the image of Chinese emperors who had allegedly drowned themselves in a
sea of palace women and lost their health as a result. The Daoist master,
living in seclusion, apparently did not understand that the rulers of nomadic
societies did not behave like sedentary Chinese emperors who, after
establishing themselves on a throne, immediately built luxurious palaces and
surrounded themselves with vast harems.
The world knows that Genghis Khan spent most of his life in
mobile imperial camps and on horseback. In reality, the evidence suggests that
Qiu Chuji had chosen the wrong "student" for his teachings.
After listening to all of Qiu Chuji’s explanations, Genghis
Khan finally commented:
"What you have said is important, but it is
difficult for me to put into practice." (32)
In practice, this was a diplomatic way of expressing that,
although he acknowledged the value of the Daoist master’s advice, it was not
something he could realistically accept or implement in his own life.
VI. Other Matters
1.
After summoning Qiu Chuji from the far
reaches of the world, Genghis Khan ultimately found little that was useful for
himself. However, Qiu Chuji, perhaps hoping to gain favor with the new ruler,
establish his reputation, or at least secure his own position and safety,
returned with rewards far beyond what he could have expected.
Perhaps out of sympathy for the hardships
he had endured during his three-year journey, Genghis Khan granted Qiu Chuji a golden
tiger tablet of authority and declared that "all matters concerning
the Daoist master's activities should be known and respected by the Supreme
Master." Furthermore, he issued an imperial decree throughout the
empire stating that "all persons who leave their homes and become
Daoist monks or nuns shall be placed under his jurisdiction." (33)
In effect, Qiu Chuji was appointed as the
supreme religious authority of Chinese Daoism.
When Qiu Chuji returned after his meeting
with Genghis Khan, his arrival created an almost miraculous impression among
Chinese believers, as if he had ascended to heaven and returned. Li Zhichang
enthusiastically recorded:
"After the Master returned, Daoists
from all directions gathered like clouds... the gates of the teachings were
opened in the four directions, and the tradition flourished to an extent more
than a hundred times greater than before."
(34)
Qiu Chuji used the official status and
authority granted by the future ruler to greatly expand Daoist teachings,
especially the Quanzhen Dao (Complete Perfection School) tradition, and
thus left his name in history.
The claim often made by Chinese historians
that "Daoism flourished greatly during the Yuan dynasty" has
its true beginning in this very event.
2.
Neither the
suspicion of some Mongolian historians that Qiu Chuji was sent as a spy by the
Jin dynasty to gather intelligence about the Mongol army, nor the attempts of
some Chinese historians to praise him from another perspective, can be
convincingly sustained.
By that time,
the Jin dynasty’s capital had already fallen, and a third of its territory had
been occupied. The Mongol military presence was visible almost at the doorstep
of the Jin state itself. Under such circumstances, the idea that Qiu Chuji
would travel all the way to Central Asia in order to spy on the Mongol army is
simply unreasonable and unrealistic.
3.
If we look at
this matter from the perspective of the political map of the world—whether in
the thirteenth century or even today—Qiu Chuji could, in name alone, be
regarded as someone who abandoned his homeland.
As soon as he
received a summons from a powerful foreign conqueror, he left behind his
homeland, already covered with the scars of war, and traveled to the supreme
commander of the invading army, offering whatever knowledge he possessed about
prolonging life.
If such a
person is not considered a traitor but instead praised as an outstanding and
virtuous individual, then that nation would have no clear standard for
distinguishing right from wrong or truth from falsehood; perhaps it would even
mean that it honors and glorifies those who betray their own side.
4.
It should also
be mentioned that the so-called "invitation letter" sent by
Genghis Khan to Qiu Chuji is a later fabrication. In the original text of Record
of the Perfected Master Changchun's Journey to the West, the only statement
concerning the summons is:
"More
than twenty Mongols arrived carrying a golden tablet with a tiger's head and
conveyed the imperial decree, inviting and requesting the Master to come." (35)
There is no
mention whatsoever of any written invitation letter.
Likewise, Record
of the Assembly Explaining the Teachings contains no information of
this kind. The so-called "invitation letter" was added as an
explanatory note when Record of the Perfected Master Changchun's Journey to
the West was printed in Chinese in 1926 by Wang Guowei, a Chinese
scholar specializing in Mongolian studies. Wang himself clearly stated that he
had copied the "invitation letter" from Notes on Que Geng Lu
(Chue Geng Lu). (36)
However, Notes
on Que Geng Lu is not a historical work. It is a miscellaneous personal
collection containing songs, poetry, oral traditions, court legends, ghost
stories, and various other materials. It was published 143 years after Qiu
Chuji's journey.
Its author, Tao
Zongyi, was neither a Daoist religious follower nor a scholar specializing
in Qiu Chuji. He was not an author who had conducted research or written works
about Qiu Chuji's journey. Rather, he was a literate farmer living in a remote
rural area who enjoyed writing and recorded many stories based on hearsay.
In Notes
on Que Geng Lu, there are simply two letters: one supposedly from
Genghis Khan inviting Qiu Chuji, and the other supposedly Qiu Chuji's reply to
Genghis Khan. There are sufficient reasons to regard both letters as fictional.
First, the
source and origin of these letters are not mentioned at all.
Second, in an
era without newspapers, magazines, or modern means of information transmission,
how could a rural farmer have obtained and read a private letter sent by an
emperor?
Third, Qiu
Chuji's meeting with Genghis Khan had already become a legendary and heroic
story in Chinese popular imagination. Since Tao Zongyi lived during the Yuan
dynasty, he would naturally have heard various versions of this famous tale.
Using his talent for recording legends and supernatural stories, he likely
created a scene in which the two elderly figures exchanged written letters.
Most
importantly, however, Li Zhichang's record provides a clear contradiction. He
carefully recorded that Genghis Khan sent a golden tiger-headed tablet and even
specified the number of people who came to deliver the summons. If there had
truly been a written invitation from the Great Khan, it would have been an
object of immense pride and significance for the master and his disciples. Even
if they had not included the entire contents of the letter, there would have
been no reason whatsoever to omit mentioning its existence.
Although Wang
Guowei is regarded as one of the great scholars of the Republic of China
period, it is difficult to understand why he directly inserted material of
uncertain origin from a personal literary compilation into a historical source.
This is especially difficult to understand when Mongolian historians have
accepted it as historical fact, translated it without critical examination, and
used it as evidence.
Notes
- Yuan Shi（元史）: Biography of Qiu Chuji (History
of the Yuan Dynasty, Biography of Qiu Chuji).
- Chinese Wikipedia and Baidu
Baike.
- Zhisha Ling （止杀令）(The Edict to Stop Killing).
- A Brief Chronicle of Genghis
Khan（Chingis Khaani Tobchoon）, written by Saishaal,
2019 edition, p. 594.
- History of Mongolia(Mongolin
Tuuh), written by Ch. Dalai, Volume II, p. 178, Inner
Mongolia People's Publishing House, 2010. The quoted sentence is somewhat
inconsistent in meaning; it may have been distorted during conversion into
Uighur-Mongolian script.
- The calculation is based on
the actual travel route rather than official promotional descriptions.
- Record of the Perfected Master
Changchun's Journey to the West,
translated by Deejü(德柱), Inner Mongolia Culture
Publishing House, 2001.
- Xuanfeng Qinghui Lu（玄风庆会录）(Record
of the Assembly Explaining the Teachings). The Mongolian title "Сургаалыг
тайлбарласан хурлын тэмдэглэл" ("Record of the Assembly
Explaining the Teachings") is my own translation. The original
Chinese text can easily be found online.
- Deejü's translation is
somewhat rigid in style. After comparing it with the Chinese original, I
replaced some expressions with Saishaal's translation from A Brief
Chronicle of Genghis Khan.
10.
The title
bestowed upon Qiu Chuji by Genghis Khan is not particularly important to the
argument of this essay, but I would like to express my own opinion on the
matter.
Li Zhichang’s
record states that he was given the title 神仙 (shenxian). Deejü
translated this as "sahigusan" ("deity/spirit"),
while Saishaal translated it as "Khutagt Arsh" ("Holy
Arsh"). However, before discussing these two translations, there is
another issue: what exactly did Genghis Khan say, which the translator rendered
into Chinese as 神仙?
Among Mongols,
Daoist religious practitioners were traditionally distinguished according to
their level of learning and spiritual achievement as bom(b)o and arsh.
The title arsh was further divided into categories such as Great Arsh(ikh
arsh) and Supreme Arsh(deed arsh). (11)
Therefore, it
is likely that Genghis Khan bestowed upon Qiu Chuji the title "Supreme
Arsh." Since arsh was translated into Chinese as 仙 (xian), rendering the Mongolian title "Supreme
Arsh" into Chinese as 神仙 (shenxian) can be considered accurate in terms of meaning.
However, when
modern translators translate a Chinese-transliterated title back into
Mongolian, they should not simply translate the Chinese characters literally.
Instead, they should consider what the original Mongolian term was.
The word "Khutagt"
is a title used for incarnate lamas in Tibetan Buddhism and therefore is
clearly inappropriate in this context. Although sahigusan (神仙) carries the meaning of a supernatural being or immortal spirit,
the proper and irreplaceable Mongolian designation for a Daoist religious
master is arsh.
- Shashny Tol' (Mirror of
Religion), written by Sodbileg, Inner
Mongolia Educational Publishing House, 1996.
- Record of the Perfected Master
Changchun's Journey to the West, p. 137.
- Ibid., p. 152.
- Ibid., p. 153.
- Ibid., p. 153.
- Ibid., pp. 153–154.
- Ibid., p. 157.
- Ibid., p. 154.
- The text uses the expression "Shandong
and Hebei." However, Shandong and Hebei were not provincial names
in the Jin dynasty in the same sense as they are today. Here, the phrase
refers to the area east of the Taihang Mountains and north of the
Yellow River. In reality, it refers to the Central Plains region,
namely northern China.
- The terms Zhonghua (中华), Zhongguo (中国), and Han (汉) as modern national and ethnic concepts were developed after
the Qing dynasty.
- Chinese writers have long
attempted to portray Qiu Chuji as a great thinker who disregarded emperors
and rulers. They claim that he refused invitations from the Southern Song
emperor in 1216 and the Jin emperor in 1219. However, some sources
indicate that he met Jin Emperor Shizong three times.
- Record of the Perfected Master
Changchun's Journey to the West, p. 5.
- Ibid., p. 11.
- Ibid., pp. 16–17.
- Ibid., p. 68.
- Ibid., p. 68.
- Ch. Dalai, History of
Mongolia, Volume II, p. 180.
- The Secret History of the
Mongols, annotated by Ts. Damdinsüren, §254, Inner
Mongolia People's Publishing House, 1997 edition.
- Saishaal, A Brief
Chronicle of Genghis Khan, Volume II, p. 591.
- Record of the Assembly
Explaining the Teachings, line 10.
- Ibid., line 20.
- Ibid., line 36.
- Record of the Perfected Master
Changchun's Journey to the West, pp.
197–198.
- Ibid., pp. 180–181.
- Ibid., p. 6.
- Ibid., pp. 6–7.
Written at: Clearwater
Beach, Florida, USA, November 15, 2021
Author’s blog:
https://maynewblogspo.blogspot.com/
E-mail :
tumenulzei@gmail.com
